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<text id=89TT1404>
<title>
May 29, 1989: Back-Alley Politics In The Kremlin
</title>
<history>
TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1989
May 29, 1989 China In Turmoil
</history>
<article>
<source>Time Magazine</source>
<hdr>
WORLD, Page 48
SOVIET UNION
Back-Alley Politics in the Kremlin
</hdr><body>
<p>Charges fly as a fiery prosecutor takes on a powerful opponent
</p>
<p> The candidate seeking election goes on television to accuse
one of his country's leading politicians of corruption. The
injured politician denounces his accuser. The government
launches an investigation, and the investigators blast the
candidate. The incident would not be out of place in a Western
capital. But this, last week, was the Soviet Union, which is
finding that one side effect of glasnost is political alley
fighting in public.
</p>
<p> The accused politician is none other than Yegor Ligachev,
68, the ruling Politburo's leading conservative. His accusers
are Telman Gdlyan and Nikolai Ivanov, government prosecutors
who specialize in rooting out official corruption in central
Asia.
</p>
<p> The fiery Gdlyan, 48, spent five years uncovering a
corruption scandal in Uzbekistan and became a popular hero when
it led to the conviction last year of Yuri Churbanov, son-in-law
of the late Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev.
</p>
<p> Early this month, at a meeting of Moscow-based members of
the new legislature attended by Mikhail Gorbachev, Gdlyan
delivered a 47-minute speech charging top Communists with
corruption. Soviet sources say that when he finished, Gorbachev
advised him to make sure he was right "because I will ask you
tough questions." A few days later, Pravda disclosed that Gdlyan
would be suspended from his post as prosecutor. The official
reason: misconduct in a 1983 corruption investigation of
Estonian scientist and nationalist Johannes Khint.
</p>
<p> But the Khint case was not the real issue, according to
Gdlyan's colleague, Ivanov, 37. During a televised debate
Ivanov, who was running for a Leningrad seat in the legislature,
said Gdlyan was suspended because his investigations had begun
to implicate leading officials, including Ligachev and former
Politburo members Grigori Romanov and Mikhail Solomentsev.
</p>
<p> The next day Pravda denounced both Ivanov and Gdlyan for
their "provocative statements" and announced that a special
government commission would investigate the prosecutors'
"methods." Ligachev then issued a public denial of the
allegations and described them as "political provocation." The
commission wasted no time in issuing a lengthy report at week's
end that assailed Gdlyan's professional conduct and charged him
with "insulting people who were under arrest."
</p>
<p> Even some liberals criticize Gdlyan. Last week Yegor
Yakovlev, editor of the reform-minded Moscow News, tore into him
for "the tragedy" of the Khint case. Others say Gdlyan and
Ivanov are using public accusations to promote their political
careers. If that's so, it appears to be working: Ivanov won his
seat with 61% of the vote.
</p>
<p> Opinion is also divided over the validity of Gdlyan's
charges. "Ligachev is a perfectly incorruptible man," insists
Sovietologist Michel Tatu of the French newspaper Le Monde. "As
the guardian of party orthodoxy and authority, his aims are
political, not personal." Ultimately at stake, perhaps, is the
corruption of official life that is being exposed by the new
politics. As Tatu notes, "There's been a general awakening as
to just how rotten the regime is."
</p>
</body></article>
</text>